In today's Britain, public demonstration is no longer a basic freedom. Rather, it has become a conditional permission that authorities allow or withhold as they see fit. This represents the underlying meaning of new regulations that the ruling administration is putting forward, which would determine the timing and location protests can occur, with possible imprisonment for those who defy these limitations.
Previous administrations had already undermined this fundamental freedom: the previous Tory administration had given law enforcement sweeping new authorities, which international human rights organizations had condemned as "significant and unjustified limitations" on democratic freedoms. Collectively, these progressive attacks on freedom have effectively eliminated the hard-won right to public demonstration.
The latest limitations are being justified by referring to last week's heinous anti-Jewish attack on a British mosque. There should be widespread consensus that the security of Jewish communities in Britain must be safeguarded. However, employing this atrocity as a justification to stifle dissent is not only disconnected to that duty but distorts it.
"When you cannot draw the line at genocide, you probably cannot establish limits at democracy," observed a well-known American author, a statement that rings true for the current government.
Reflect on Britain's rich history of protest and activism against racial discrimination and authoritarianism, from the 1936 Battle of Cable Street to postwar Jewish anti-fascist movements and the 1970s mobilizations against the far-right organization. Many of these historical demonstrators were branded as radicals in their era, even while they were fighting for the rights of marginalized groups.
In today's complicated landscape, here's what's actually happening: The Israeli government – a sovereign nation – is committing what United Nations investigations have characterized as genocide. Its military actions have led the International Criminal Court to issue arrest warrants against Israel's prime minister and his former defense minister.
Western popular sentiment has changed significantly against Israel's military campaign. In Britain, a substantial majority of the public think Israel has probably committed war crimes. Most people would support a total prohibition on arms sales to the state, and back the arrest of Netanyahu.
Having largely failed the argument, Israel's supporters are now seizing on a despicable antisemitic crime to attempt to suppress a mass movement against a ethical disaster. The British government appears to be included in this effort. Ministers have not enacted comprehensive sanctions on Israel and have allowed weapon shipments to continue.
People who are protesting against the destruction of Gaza have been characterized as dangerous radicals. Yet there's a significant reason why there hasn't been a more extensive crackdown on these demonstrators until now: very limited protesters have made genuinely hateful statements about Jewish people, giving law enforcement little justification to intervene.
Equating Jewish identity with the policies of the Israeli state is not only manipulative but also dangerous. The standard interpretation of antisemitism, adopted by the British government and many organizations, has been rightly questioned for potentially stifling legitimate criticism of Israel. However, there should be universal agreement about one of its key examples: that "holding Jewish people collectively responsible for decisions of the state of Israel" constitutes prejudice against Jews.
This is why we've reached a situation where law enforcement can propose that demonstrations criticizing Israel's actions should be canceled because they might "inadvertently or deliberately" support antisemitism. Similarly, political figures have stated that acknowledgment of Palestinian statehood has made political parties "implicated" in supposed mistreatment faced by British Jews.
On the very day as the religious center assault, the Israel's army killed dozens of Palestinian civilians in Gaza – increasing the horrific toll from 24 months of ongoing violence that have taken tens of thousands of human lives. British politicians and news organizations have hardly hidden the minimal importance they attach to Palestinian life. This represents one of the boldest expressions of discrimination in contemporary society.
Our government has already passed a dangerous boundary by proscribing Palestine Action, a non-violent, anti-genocide activist collective. Multiple thousands of British protesters have been arrested, primarily for carrying placards against mass killing and supporting the proscribed group. Many of those detained are elderly citizens; among them a former clergyman and the daughter of a Holocaust survivor.
It's not difficult to see where this trajectory leads. In the United States, political leaders helped demonize pro-Palestinian protests: a former House Speaker suggested that some were "linked with" other nations, while the current president described such demonstrations as anti-Jewish. In doing so, they helped legitimize the authoritarian crackdown on such protests – and on freedom of expression in general.
If a conservative administration comes to power, it would be given sweeping powers to suppress dissent. What might a Reform government do with this restrictive framework? Our ancestors fought, endured hardship and died to establish our liberties. We may ultimately rue how casually we permitted them to slip away.
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